What to do about Rock Springs? Various Reactions to the Massacre of 1885

On September 2nd, 1885, a white mob drove hundreds of Chinese miners from their homes in Rock Springs, Wyoming. The offenders numbered anywhere from sixty to over hundred, and were armed with guns, knives, and various other weapons. They began their attack on Chinatown in the early afternoon. Leo Dye Bah and Yip Ah Marn were among the first to die. The rioters took the lives of twenty-six other Asians, and at least fifteen were severely injured. As the violence ensued about seventy-nine homes, along with Ah Lee’s laundry shop, were burnt to the ground. That evening certain white residents, like W.H. O’Donnell and Mr. Evans, were forced to leave town because of their positive work relationship with the Chinese. Once all the undesirables were deported, the rioters continued throughout the night burning and looting what remained of Chinatown.

Local officials seemed unable to aid the fleeing Chinese. Sheriff Joe Young was the first representative of the Wyoming territory at Rock Springs. He arrived from Green River on the evening of September 2nd, and ordered his posse to guard the white part of town for the entire night . He did not have the ability to stop the mob, but he was able to ensure no white property was damaged. It is important to note the sheriff’s priorities. Joe Young was there to protect white possessions from anti-Chinese violence. The Chinese running for their lives seemed more deserving of help, but Mr. Young must of known better. By morning the riots had ceased, and order was beginning to return to the mining town.

On September 7th, the Sweetwater County Sheriff arrested twenty-two supposed participants in the Rock Springs Massacre. They were taken to the local jail in Green River to wait for their trial later that month. By early October sixteen jurors, eleven of who were from Rock Springs, found the accused innocent of all charges. The Chinese Minister in San Francisco, F.A. Bee, disagreed with the hearings results, but was not surprised. Before the trial he had asked the Attorney General to allow the testimony of white and Chinese witnesses, but was ignored. This inaction on the part of the United States hinted to Mr. Bee that a mock trial would take place. The lack of relevant witnesses combined with the stacked jury guaranteed the freedom of any white man involved with the massacre.

The Chinese Government did not find justice in the Rock Springs verdict. An investigation prior to the trial, lead by the San Francisco Minister F.A. Bee, the New York Minister Huang Sih Chuen, and interpreter Tseng Hoy, found significant evidence involving the massacre. The three diplomats listened to various testimonies from whites and Chinese to confirm details about the incident. They calculated the total cost of damages loss to $147,748.74, and established the number of dead at twenty-eight. The investigators generated many compelling arguments that failed to reach the court in Sweetwater County, but did manage to find their way to their representative Cheng Tsao Ju in Washington D.C. On November 30th, Mr. Tsao Ju wrote to Secretary of State T.F. Bayard, presenting his case for indemnity to the Chinese victims of the Rock Springs massacre.

Cheng Tsao Ju sixty-page document included the report from his colleges, newspaper articles, past Chinese/American treaties and other relevant data related to the event. His main argument involved the diplomatic golden rule, “do to others as they would have others do to them,” which was actually signed in a treaty of 1858. To illustrate China’s fulfillment of this important law, Mr. Tsao Ju mentioned previous occurrences where his government paid over $600,000 to Americans for losses caused by riots and violence. He even describes a situation where the United States paid Spanish subjects for damages caused by an uprising in New Orleans. Chen Tsao Ju wanted the same treatment for the Rock Springs victims. He wished to heal the wounds of his fellow countrymen with justice and the American dollar.
T.F. Bayard did not see eye to eye with Mr. Tsao Ju. The Secretary of State, gave the following counter argument:
On neither side, among assailants or assailed, was there any representative of the Government of China or of the United States or of the Territory of Wyoming. There was, therefore, as there could be, no official insult or wrong.

Mr. Bayard also states that the white miners were not American citizens, they were European immigrants. He argues the United States is not responsible for the actions of other aliens in its territories. Bayard, however, is not completely unsympathetic. In his report to President Cleveland, there is a recommendation for a generous donation to the victims of Rock Springs for the failures of the Wyoming Territory authorities. In his statement to Congress, Mr. Cleveland clarifies that, “such action is in no wise to be held as precedent…and is resorted to in a spirit of pure generosity toward those who are otherwise helpless.” The United States wanted to appear has a caring nation, but did not want to change their bias towards the Chinese. This is why the compensation is given out of charity, and not the result of treaties. Furthermore, future anti-Chinese riots may prove very costly if indemnity becomes a federal policy. Either way, in May of 1886, Congress finally approved reparation in the amount of $147,000 for the Chinese miners of Rock Springs.

Before the Congress awarded the indemnity, the massacre victims received most of their aid from the Union Pacific Railroad Company. During the riot, conductors were ordered to pick up any fleeing Chinamen and take them to Evanston. There the company arranged for protection by federal troops, and provided wagons to sleep in. When the Chinese returned to Rock Springs on September 9th, 1885, they received enough provisions and equipment to get back to work.

The Union Pacific’s goal was to get the mines fully operational again. This is their reason for helping the Chinese. The company lost a lot of money during the massacre and needed to resume regular coal production as quickly as possible. By providing the Chinese with equipment, they were able to get back to mining in a timely fashion and reduce profit losses. Three Government directors of the Union Pacific Railroad further illustrate this in their investigation results:
We find such a condition of affairs here as in our opinion endangers the property of the road, jeopardizes the interests of the Government, and calls for prompt interference. We therefore deem it important that full authority should be given to the proper offices to afford ample assistance to the managers in their efforts to protect the property of the company and conduct the business of the road.
The gentlemen gave no recommendations aiding the Chinese victims of the massacre, but they do advise assistance for the needy railroad. The businesses health was the number one priority. The welfare of its employees came later.

The Chinese government really put forth an effort to help out the victims of the Rock Springs massacre. Every American entity involved had priorities that did not involve the Chinese miners. The local authorities were blatantly biased, and unable to prosecute any white offenders. The Union Pacific Railroad was more interested in businesses profitability than giving additional aid, and safe working conditions for its Asian employees. Finally, the federal government avoided all blame for the incident using legal loopholes. It was the Chinese representatives, in three major cities, that kept pushing at Capitol Hill until they received a sense of justice for their people in Rock Springs, Wyoming.